NEW DELHI: The 2014 Lok Sabha elections fractured the Dalit leadership as never before, with several leaders being coopted into the Bharatiya Janata party led alliance and the few others literally fading away. Ram Vilas Paswan, Uday Raj, Ramdas Athawale all moved to the BJP carrying little more than their own baggage. Over the years the Dalits, despite being a major vote bank, had been without a credible leadership with perhaps the only political heavyweight being Bahujan Samaj Party’s Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh.

In the field of moderate-to-lightweight Dalit leaders, the only one who stood his ground was the grandson of B.R.Ambedkar, Prakash Ambedkar who did not join the BJP, or for that matter the BJP. Political critics insist this was not for want of trying, but Ambedkar is clear that he did not want to legitimise the ‘lip service’ by the two main parties to the Ambedkar legacy.

The Citizen caught up with Prakash Ambedkar for a quick interview, to find him enthused about the youth uprising as it were after Rohith Vemula’s suicide. He said that he did see a resurgence of sorts after a long time, but interestingly projected himself more as a bystander watching the youth take over the reins for justice and rights.

Excerpts from the interview:

Q. What in your view are the top three factors contributing to a Dalit resurgence?

A. It is not a resurgence of the Dalits, but the resurgence of Dr Ambedkar because of his contribution towards the elimination of caste, in favour in liberty, brotherhood and religious tolerance. The intellectuals and the masses have turned back towards Dr Ambedkar because of the attack by the RSS on the above principles.

In fact the credit for this fresh movement can be given to the RSS as the Dalits have been under direct attack, and are now most vocal against the Manuvadi proposals articulated by the RSS.

In real terms the intellectuals will have to interpret, analyse and put forward before the common person the principles that Dr Ambedkar stood for, his thoughts and his vision. Then only can the present challenges be countered.

Let me say that if the RSS had not come with their Manuvadi agenda in this aggressive manner, the Dalits might have remained dormant. As there was this understanding within, that now that we have got reservations, and other facilities, is there a need to present a separate identity at all? But they have now realised that the challenges still remain, and they have felt the need for a strong Ambedkarite identity to counter the casteist RSS.

Q. The sentiment is anti-RSS as you said. But why did the Dalits proactively vote for the BJP in the last Lok Sabha elections?

A. It is true that right from the beginning the Ambedkarites were against the RSS. But in between the RSS pretended to be changing its mindset, and was for social change like the Ambedkarites. This convinced them, and it was also this factor, that led the Dalits to actually question the need for a separate identity.

The other aspect was the seemingly inclusive agenda of economic and financial development projected by PM Narendr Modi at the time. The Ambedkarites believed this, and voted for the BJP for the first time in large numbers in the last elections.

Q. How important is the Rohith Vemula factor in this resurgence now?

A. The Rohith Vemula matter is important. It has exposed the attitude and the intention of the RSS , which way it will move. This attitude again demonstrates that the life of the Dalit has no valve. Just ignore it and push it under the carpet. This the Dalit knows is nothing but Manuvad. As long as the present government does not adequately address the issue, this sentiment is going to remain alive.

Let me put it in another way. The RSS is again using the issue to inform its followers that the old times of enslavement of a section of society is on the way. It is for this reason that the government is allowing the issue to drag along without any solution. The Vemula issue is again being used by the RSS t demonstrate that once a decision is taken, it has to be followed. Nobody can question it, it just has to be obeyed. By this method the mind is being set, being conditioned to obey and not to reason. Another form of dictatorship.

Q. The Dalit leadership is fractured. Most seem to have been coopted by the BJP? As always opportunistic won’t you say?

A. No doubt the old leadership is fractured and divided and many of them like to be with the party in power. They were first with the Congress and now with the BJP. But the present situation has now thrown up the younger generation who are now leading the movement. These are the leaders who will be the leaders of the Ambedkarite movement.

Q. Mayawati managed to stay out of the current power equations? What do you think her prospects are now? And what should be her strategy for UP?


A. The BSP has never in its entire life lead any agitation nor visited any family on whom atrocities have been committed. But this time the Dalits have realized that there is a reason for not visiting the victims, because if they do so, this will not be liked by the forward castes, and they might lose the vote entirely.

In UP when the BSP was in power, instructions had been issued to the SPs of the Districts that no atrocity cases should be registered. The Dalits faced the brunt of the BSP rule. It is for this reason that in the last polls nearly 9% of the Dalits did not vote for the BSP. This time the situation has become still more difficult. For the reason that with the re-emergence of the Brahminical order by the RSS, the Brahmins have moved out of the BSP entirely.

Another factor is the Muslim. No doubt a section of the Muslims voted for the BSP in the past. I have my doubts that they will continue to do so in the present situation. The Muslims consider the BJP and the RSS to be their number one enemy. And in its rather sad history the BSP has allied with the RSS and the BJP in the past. Mayawati as the Chief Minister visited Gujarat in the 2002 riots and praised the RSS and BJP government.

These factors are weighed against a possible BSP comeback.

Q. Clearly the strategy to build forces has to be different now? How ?

A. Not only the strategy has to be different but the present leadership is groping in the dark for the right ideology to meet the RSS social religious onslaught. It is not only the ideology but also the right program that is required to counter the RSS. The Marxists will have to mould their economic agenda, as this is not the weapon with which they can challenge the RSS.

Q.What do you plan to do?

A. I have thought of program but will put it forth after consultation with few friends